If you are interested in understanding Okinawa's current political, economic and to some degree social situation then this book will give you a good grounding. Essentially a collection of papers written by Masahide Ota, who is very well qualified to talk about the topic of the Battle of Okinawa and the post war difficulties and experiences of Okinawa. While a student, he was drafted by the Japanese Imperial Army into the 'Blood and Iron Student Corps' and mobilized in the defence of Okinawa in April of 1945, and went on to write a number of books on the Battle. During his two terms as Governor of Okinawa Prefecture he openly campaigned for a reduction in the size of US military bases in Okinawa, even to the point of refusing to sign the renewal leases for the bases, which lead to the Japanese National Government suing him in 1996. Included in the book is his testimony before the Supreme Court of Japan addressing Okinawan landowners' concerns about the forcible acquisition of their land. By reading this collection of papers, which have been accumulated over a number of years, one comes to understand the difficult situation that confronts Okinawa in regards to the bases, and the likelihood of little changing in the future.

Some of the more interesting aspects outlined in the book are the historical attitudes of mainland Japanese towards Okinawans, which is used to explain the 'four betrayals' commited by Japan to the people of Okinawa. The first betrayal goes back to the Meiji Era, in 1879, the central government decided to severe all ties between China and the Ryukyu kingdom, by structuring and renaming the archiapelago Okinawa Prefecture. During this time there was a plan to give the Yaeyama islands to China as a gift in return for favourable trading relations, which offended many Okinawans. The second betrayal was the sacrifice of Okinawa during World War Two. While the military government in Japan knew they had already lost the war by early 1945, they persisted in their resistance in the hope of getting better Peace terms should they resist fiercely in Okinawa. The third betrayal was at the San Francisco Peace Treaty signed on September of 1951, in which Japan gave Okinawa to the United States as a peace offering. The final betrayal was after 1972 when there was no real attempt at resolving the size of the military bases on Okinawa; many argue that very little has changed since reversion to Japan. It is as if Japan and America have co-conspired to maintain US military presence in Okinawa. I have heard that the Japanese Government pays for 70-80% of the maintenance cost of the US military bases in Okinawa. Reflecting on current events in the news this seems to rings true; such as the discovery of 130 drums of waste petroleum effluent dumped on vacant land in Chatan. The origins of the drums have been traced back to the US bases, but the Japanese Government is paying for the clean up.
This book is written honestly and without anger, and looks closely at the character of the Okinawan people without any notions of romanticism or ascendancy. Ota considers the origins of Okinawan docility and pessimism, tracing it back to historical discrimination from mainland Japanese, and the great gulf that existed between the wealthy minority and the very poor majority in the Ryukyu kingdom. He also talks about the early civil rights movement in Okinawa and some of its main leaders, the obstacles they faced as well as their achievements.

The issue of US military bases forms the predominate theme of the essays; from how the US first perceived the Ryukyu islands from Commodore Perry's visit in 1853 (en route to Yokohama, Japan), to the well planned strategies of how to occupy Okinawa and use it as a base to launch further incursions into mainland Japan, and the establishment of Okinawa as the 'Keystone of the Pacific' during the Cold War. A section quoted from Jon Halliday and Gavan McCormack's research found in the book best summaries the initial Okinawan experience of the bases;
"'Okinawans' official experience of the United States began in 1945, when the island was ruled as, in effect, a US colony, governed by an American General, based on the dollar, occupied by legions of troops: The best land was confiscated and turned into bases and the traditional livelihood of the people destroyed, so that the economy has become a typically colonial one-crop one- and the crop is war. 44% of arable land on the main island has been converted into bases; one 6th of the entire workforce is employed by the military. The base complex, occupied by some 45,000 US troops, has been to the USA "the Keystone of the Pacific": source of bombing raids against Indochina; location of major depots for nuclear, gas and chemical and bacteriological weapons supply, and of guerrilla warfare schools in realistic Asian conditions; convenient surveillance and spying post against China and North Korea, and important staging post for dry run exercises in counter-revolutionary warfare in Korea and elsewhere in Asia. Precisely because it has been a colony, not subject to "interference", Okinawa has been a prize possession of the American military. The million "indigenous personnel" have provided a useful supply of cheap labour, both directly on the bases and indirectly as servants and prostitutes and the like, to be engaged as such in the grand design, but that usefulness has weighed progressively less heavily in the balance against the difficulties of keeping them sufficiently repressed and downtrodden as to be amenable".

When reading about the economic history of post-war Okinawa one finds that most of the boom periods within the Okinawan economy coincide with the periods of major wars engaged in by the USA. For example the first boom period was during the early 1950's during the Korean war, and then the late 1960s and early 1970s during the Vietnam war; the quote of a one-crop economy rings true. For more information on the post-war Okinawan economy go to http://www.niraikanai.wwma.net/pages/base.html

One of the main obstacles for the Okinawan economy is the military bases, as it hinders investment. Recently a delegation from Okinawa visited Geneva to lobby UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation) in the hope they might establish their Asian headquarters in Okinawa, given its geographical advantages in relation to the Asia Pacific Region. However, the presence of a large military arsenal in the Western Pacific is enough to deter any organization committed to the establishment and continuation of peace through culture, education and science. The US bases contribute about 4.5% to the total Prefectural revenue, employ about 1% of the population, yet occupy 19% of the total land area of the main island. There are 29 sea zones and 20 areas of airspace around Okinawa which are designated US military training areas. Furthermore, Kadena airbase controls air traffic in a 80 km radius around the base up to an altitude of 6,096m. Within this the Ministry of Transport controls an 8km radius around Naha airport to an altitude of 0.6kms. (figures based on the fiscal year 2000. Taken from "US military bases in Okinawa" produced by the Military Base Affairs Office, Okinawan Prefectural Government).

The book in one sense chronicles Ota's continuing struggle to free Okinawa from US military bases. In this David versus Goliath struggle one cannot but have admiration for Ota's efforts and his refusal to give in. Many commentators argue that Ota's defiant attitude reflects one that is currently evolving in the Okinawan psyche - having started with the forced removal of Okinawans from their land by the US military, and today is developing into a considerable force of protest.
Paul Saeki